Television Violence

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There is continuing debate on the extent of the effects of media violence on children and young people, and how to investigate these effects. The aim of this review is to consider the research evidence from a public-health perspective. A search of published work revealed five meta-analytic reviews and one quasi-systematic review, all of which were from North America. There is consistent evidence that violent imagery in television, film and video, and computer games has substantial short-term effects on arousal, thoughts, and emotions, increasing the likelihood of aggressive or fearful behaviour in younger children, especially in boys. The evidence becomes inconsistent when considering older children and teenagers, and long-term outcomes for all ages. The multifactorial nature of aggression is emphasised, together with the methodological difficulties of showing causation. Nevertheless, a small but significant association is shown in the research, with an effect size that has a substantial effect on public health. By Contrast, only weak evidence from correlation studies links media violence directly to crime.

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Repeated exposure to violent media is related to negative outcomes, including aggression, hostility, and cognitive and social deficits. We examined if cardiovascular and emotional responding to video game play changed across 3 weekly sessions. Participants were 41 adolescents (M age = 14.8; male = 29; female = 12) from rural Appalachia. Participants attended 3 weekly sessions and played I of 3 video games (basketball, fighting, or horror) each time. Measures included heart rate (HR); systolic blood pressure (SBP); diastolic blood pressure (DBP); self-reported aggression, anger, and reactions to game play; and history of video game play. Resting and posttest cardiovascular measures did not differ from session to session. Adolescents displayed HR and SBP reactivity to game play within each session. They also demonstrated decreased SBP and DBP responding to video game play across the 3-week period, regardless of game content. Affective responses did not change significantly across the course of the experiment. Adolescents who played the violent games reported more frustration and arousal than those who played the sports game. The implications of these findings are discussed.

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Using a national sample of children aged 6 to 12 (N = 1,075), this study examined the relative merits of 3 theoretical perspectives on the relation between family conflict and children's use of electronic media (television and electronic games with violent content): (a) the family context hypothesis, whereby family conflict is positively related to violent electronic media use because family tensions will be reflected in children's interest in media with violent content; (b) the reaction hypothesis, whereby family conflict is positively related to nonviolent media use because children seek out nonviolent media content as a reaction against conflict in their family environment; and (c) the escape hypothesis, whereby family conflict is positively related to total electronic media use because children use media to escape family conflict regardless of content. Results supported the family context hypothesis. There was no support for the reaction and escape hypotheses.

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The effects of exposure to violent video games on automatic associations with the self were investigated in a sample of 121 students. Playing the violent video game Doom led participants to associate themselves with aggressive traits and actions on the Implicit Association Test. In addition, self-reported prior exposure to violent video games predicted automatic aggressive self-concept, above and beyond self-reported aggression. Results suggest that playing violent video games can lead to the automatic learning of aggressive self-views.

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A survey was conducted among 346 children from the 7th and 8th grade of 7 elementary schools to examine possible positive and negative effects of playing videogames. Analyses revealed that playing videogames did not appear to take place at the expense of children's other leisure activities, social integration, and school performance. A gender difference arose: Boys spent more time playing videogames than did girls. There was no significant relationship between the amount of time children spent on videogames and aggressive behavior. A negative relationship between time spent playing videogames and prosocial behavior was found; however, this relationship did not appear in separate analyses for boys and girls. Furthermore, a positive relationship was found between time spent on videogames and a child's intelligence.

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Playing violent video games is related to increased negative affect and cardiovascular reactivity. We examined the influence of high and low aggressive priming during video-game training on violence during game play (e.g., shooting, choking), hostility, frustration with game play, blood pressure, and heart rate. Male undergraduates (N = 36) were assigned to a high aggressive or low aggressive video-game priming condition. After training, they played Metal Gear Solid(TM), which allows players to advance by using stealth, violence, or both. Participants in the high aggressive priming condition used significantly more violent action during game play and reported more hostility than those in the low aggressive priming condition. Heart rate was correlated with feelings of hostility. These findings indicate that both aggressive priming and use of game violence influence arousal and negative affect and might increase behavioral aggression.

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One of the main concerns that has constantly been raised against video games is that most of the games feature aggressive elements. This has led many people to assert that this may have a detrimental effect on individuals who play such games. Despite continuing controversy for over 15 years, there has been little in the way of systematic research. This article reviews the empirical studies in this area, including research methodologies such as the observation of free play, self-report methods, and experimental studies. The article argues that all the published studies on video game violence have methodological problems and that they only include possible short-term measures of aggressive consequences. The one consistent finding is that the majority of the studies on very young children-as opposed to those in their teens upwards-tend to show that children do became more aggressive after either playing or watching a violent video game. However, all of these come from the use of one particular research methodology (i.e., observation of children's free play).

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This experiment employed a 2 (third vs. first person) x 2 (blood on/off) x 2 (sex) design in order to examine the effects of two internal video game manipulations: the presence of blood and point of view on participants' perceptions of the game. Overall, when the blood manipulation was on, participants perceived greater gore. Players were significantly more focused when they played in the third-person point of view than when they played in first person. Males were more involved in the game overall regardless of point of view, but females were more focused and involved when they played in third, not first, person. In addition, we wanted to see if game manipulations and perceptions of the game affected aggressive outcomes. Those who played the game in the blood-on condition had more physically aggressive intentions, and when players were more involved and immersed in the game, they reported greater hostility and physically aggressive intentions. Findings are discussed as they relate to mental models Of media violence.

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In this article, we review research that explores how the effects of media violence on aggression may be diminished and how media productions may be used to reduce aggressive attitudes and behaviors. Studies show that adults' comments before or during media exposure can reduce the impact of violent programming on children aggressiveness under some circumstances. Experiments involving more extensive media literacy curricula show that some approaches can alter attitudes toward media violence and, in a few cases, intervene in aggressive behavior. Studies of the impact of antiviolence media productions reveal that although such efforts can be effective, unanticipated "boomerang" effects are prevalent. Overall, the effectiveness of the 3 types of interventions was highly variable, and age and gender differences were prominent. The findings suggest that more research is needed to determine the best approaches to developing parental interventions, media literacy strategies, and prosocial media presentations for reducing youth violence.

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Numerous studies have shown that exposure to media violence increases aggression, though the mechanisms of this effect have remained elusive. One theory posits that repeated exposure to media violence desensitizes viewers to real world violence, increasing aggression by blunting aversive reactions to violence and removing normal inhibitions against aggression. Theoretically, violence desensitization should be reflected in the amplitude of the P300 component of the event-related brain potential (ERP), which has been associated with activation of the aversive motivational system. In the current study, violent images elicited reduced P300 amplitudes among violent, as compared to nonviolent video game players. Additionally, this reduced brain response predicted increased aggressive behavior in a later task. Moreover, these effects held after controlling for individual differences in trait aggressiveness. These data are the first to link media violence exposure and aggressive behavior to brain processes hypothetically associated with desensitization.

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